van Bavel, J., Baicker, K., Boggio, P., Capraro, V., Cichocka, A., Cikara, M., Crockett, M., Crum, A., Douglas, K., Druckman, J., Drury, J., Drube, O., Ellemers, N., Finkel, E., Fowler, J., Gelfand, M., Han, S., Haslam, S., Jetten, J., Kitayama, S., Mobbs, D., Napper, L., Packer, D., Pennycook, G., Peters, E., Petty, R., Rand, D., Reicher, S., Schnall, S., Shariff, A., Skitka, L., Smith, S., Sunstein, C., Tabri, N., Tucker, J., van der Linden, S., Van Lange, P., Weeden, K., Wohl, M., Zaki, J., Zion, S., & Willer, R. (2020). Using social and behavioural science to support COVID-19 pandemic response. Nature Human Behaviour, 4, 460-471. doi:10.1038/s41562-020-0884-z
The COVID-19 pandemic represents a massive, global health crisis. Because the crisis requires large-scale behavior change and poses significant psychological burdens on individuals, insights from the social and behavioural sciences are critical for optimizing pandemic response. Here we review relevant research from a diversity of research areas relevant to different dimensions of pandemic response. We review foundational work on navigating threats, social and cultural factors, science communication, moral decision-making, leadership, and stress and coping that is relevant to pandemics. In each section, we outline implications for solving public health issues related to COVID-19. This interdisciplinary review points to several ways in which research can be immediately applied to optimize response to this pandemic, but also points to several important gaps that researchers should move quickly to fill in the coming weeks and months.
Sternisko, A., Cichocka, A., & van Bavel, J. (2020). The dark side of social movements: Social identity, non-conformity, and the lure of conspiracy theories. Current Opinion in Psychology, 35. doi:10.1016/j.copsyc.2020.02.007
Social change does not always equal social progress--there is a dark side of social movements. We discuss conspiracy theory beliefs –beliefs that a powerful group of people are secretly working towards a malicious goal–as one contributor to destructive social movements. Research has linked conspiracy theory beliefs to anti-democratic attitudes, prejudice and non-normative political behavior. We propose a framework to understand the motivational processes behind conspiracy theories and associated social identities and collective action. We argue that conspiracy theories comprise at least two components – content and qualities— that appeal to people differently based on their motivations. Social identity motives draw people foremost to contents of conspiracy theories while uniqueness motives draw people to qualities of conspiracy theories.
Marchlewska, M., Cichocka, A., Jaworska, M., Golec de Zavala, A., & Bilewicz, M. (2020). Superficial ingroup love? Collective narcissism predicts ingroup image defense, outgroup prejudice, and lower ingroup loyalty. British Journal of Social Psychology. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12367
We examined the associations between the need for personal control, different types of ingroup commitment, and group‐related outcomes: (1) defensive responses to ingroup criticism, (2) ingroup disloyalty, and (3) outgroup attitudes. We assumed that collective narcissism (i.e., a belief in ingroup’s greatness which is contingent on external validation and stems from frustrated individual needs) should be concerned with defending the ingroup image and derogating outgroups, but not necessarily with being loyal to the ingroup. Secure ingroup identification (i.e., a confidently held ingroup evaluation, which stems from satisfied needs), in contrast, should predict greater ingroup loyalty and positive outgroup attitudes. We expected these effects to be especially strong once we account for the overlap between collective narcissism and group‐level self‐investment – a key component of ingroup identification. In a nationally representative sample of Polish adults (n = 1,007), collective narcissism (net of group‐level self‐investment) mediated between low personal control and ingroup image defense, lower group loyalty, and less positive outgroup attitudes. Secure ingroup identification (group‐level self‐investment net of collective narcissism) mediated between high personal control and ingroup loyalty and positive outgroup attitudes. It was not associated with ingroup image defense. Implications for understanding the role of identification in inter‐ and intra‐group relations are discussed.
Cichocka, A., & Cislak, A. (2020). Nationalism as collective narcissism. Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences, 34, 69-74. doi:10.1016/j.cobeha.2019.12.013
Traditional conceptualisations of nationalism focus on the need for intergroup domination. We argue that current politics are rather driven by the need for recognition of the greatness of one’s nation. In psychological literature, the need for the nation’s appreciation is captured by the concept of collective narcissism—a belief in in-group greatness contingent on external recognition. We demonstrate that collective narcissism is associated with support for national populist parties and policies. We also review the empirical evidence for the intergroup and intragroup concomitants of collective narcissism. We demonstrate that collective narcissism benefits neither out-group nor in-group members. Instead, it helps manage psychological needs of the individual. We conclude that collective narcissism might undermine social cohesion both within and between groups.
Cichocka, A., Cislak, A., Stronge, S., Osborne, D., & Sibley, C. (2019). Does High Self-Esteem Foster Narcissism? Testing the Bidirectional Relationships between Self-Esteem, Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry. Journal of Research in Personality, 83. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2019.103882
We examined the longitudinal associations between self-esteem and narcissism in a three-wave panel study (N=557). In a standard cross-lagged panel model, self-esteem had a positive bidirectional relationship with narcissistic admiration. Narcissistic rivalry predicted increases in narcissistic admiration, but the corresponding reciprocal cross-lagged effect was not significant, nor were the cross-lagged associations between self-esteem and narcissistic rivalry. However, a random-intercept cross-lagged panel model (which partitions between- and within-person variance) failed to identify significant cross-lagged relationships between self-esteem and admiration or rivalry. Rather, self-esteem correlated positively with narcissistic admiration (but not rivalry) only at the trait level. Furthermore, we observed positive bidirectional associations between admiration and rivalry, suggesting that the within-person fluctuations in these two sub-dimensions of narcissism mutually reinforce each other.
Stronge, S., Cichocka, A., & Sibley, C. (2019). The Heterogeneity of Self-Regard: A Latent Transition Analysis of Self-Esteem and Psychological Entitlement. Journal of Research in Personality, 82, 103855. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2019.103855
Multiple subtypes of self-regard have been identified, but their longitudinal development has not been investigated. The current research used Latent Transition Analysis to identify profiles with differing levels of self-esteem and psychological entitlement, and track the likelihood of transition between these profiles from 2014 to 2015 in a large, national panel study of New Zealand adults (N = 12,550). Five profiles of self-regard were identified. The five profiles were generally stable across the course of a year, however, the two profiles that were high in entitlement were relatively less stable than profiles with positive but unentitled self-regard. This research demonstrates the importance of accounting for the heterogeneity of high self-regard, as unique patterns of longitudinal change were found across profiles.
Hasbún López, P., Martinović, B., Bobowik, M., Chryssochoou, X., Cichocka, A., Ernst-Vintila, A., Franc, R., Fulop, E., Ghilani, D., Kochar, A., Lamberty, P., Leone, G., Licata, L., & Žeželj, I. (2019). Support for collective action against refugees: The role of national, European, and global identifications, and autochthony beliefs. European Journal of Social Psychology. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2608
To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N=1909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.
Douglas, K., Uscinski, J., Sutton, R., Cichocka, A., Nefes, T., Ang, C., & Deravi, F. (2019). Understanding conspiracy theories. Advances in Political Psychology, 40, 3-35. doi:10.1111/pops.12568
Scholarly efforts to understand conspiracy theories have grown significantly in recent years, and there is now a broad and interdisciplinary literature that we review in this article. We ask three specific questions. First, what are the factors that are associated with conspiracy theorizing? Our review of the literature shows that conspiracy beliefs result from a range of psychological, political and social factors. Next, how are conspiracy theories communicated? Here, we explain how conspiracy theories are shared among individuals and spread through traditional and social media platforms. Next, what are the risks and rewards associated with conspiracy theories? By focusing on politics and science, we argue that conspiracy theories do more harm than good. Finally, because this is a growing literature and many open questions remain, we conclude by suggesting several promising avenues for future research.
Marchlewska, M., Cichocka, A., Łozowski, F., Górska, P., & Winiewski, M. (2019). In Search of an Imaginary Enemy: Catholic Collective Narcissism and the Endorsement of Gender Conspiracy Beliefs. Journal of Social Psychology, 159, 766-779. doi:10.1080/00224545.2019.1586637
Gender studies have often been criticized for undermining family and religious values. In this paper, we argue that these criticisms exhibit the characteristics of conspiracy theories. We define gender conspiracy beliefs as convictions that gender studies and gender-equality activists represent an ideology secretly designed to harm traditional values and social arrangements. In two studies conducted among Catholics in Poland (Study 1 N= 1019; Study 2 N= 223), we examined the prevalence of gender conspiracy beliefs and their psychological concomitants. We hypothesized that gender conspiracy beliefs should be associated with a defensive identification with one’s religious group, captured by religious collective narcissism. In both studies, Catholic collective narcissism was demonstrated to be a robust predictor of gender conspiracy beliefs. We additionally demonstrated that Catholic collective narcissism predicted outgroup hostility, and this effect was mediated by gender conspiracy beliefs. We discuss the implications for gender-based prejudice.
Marchlewska, M., Castellanos, K., Lewczuk, K., Kofta, M., & Cichocka, A. (2018). My way or the highway: High narcissism and low self-esteem predict decreased support for democracy. British Journal of Social Psychology. doi:10.1111/bjso.12290
In two studies, we analyzed the relationships between different types of self-evaluation (i.e., narcissism and self-esteem) and support for democracy. Support for democracy requires the ability to respect the views and opinions of others, even if one disagrees with them. Classic studies have linked support for democracy with high self-evaluation, which should assume psychological security and, thus, the ability to trust others. However, not all forms of high self-evaluation are secure. Narcissists have high feelings of self-worth, but tend to be defensive: they are easily threatened by criticisms or conflicting views. We then expected that while support for democracy should be positively predicted by secure, non-narcissistic self-evaluation, it should be negatively predicted by narcissistic self-evaluation. In two studies, conducted in the U.S. (Study 1, n=407) and in Poland (Study 2, n=405), support for democracy was positively predicted by self-esteem and negatively predicted by narcissism. Study 2 additionally demonstrated that interpersonal trust mediated the effects of self-esteem on support for democracy. We discuss the role of psychological predispositions in understanding support for democratic systems.
Cislak, A., Wojcik, A., & Cichocka, A. (2018). Cutting the forest down to save your face: Narcissistic national identification predicts support for anti-conservation policies. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 59, 65-73. doi:10.1016/j.jenvp.2018.08.009
Past work showed that strong national identification is negatively related to environmental protection. In this paper we aim to demonstrate that only some forms of national identity oppose environmental concerns. In three studies, we examined the association between support for anti-conservation policies and narcissistic versus conventional national in-group identification. Collective narcissism is a belief in in-group greatness associated with the need for external validation. We found that national collective narcissism (but not national identification without the narcissistic component) was positively associated with support for government subsidy for the coal industry (Study 1, n?=?102), and logging the Bialowieza Forest (Study 2, n?=?189 and Study 3, n?=?635, nationally representative sample). In Studies 2 and 3 these effects were mediated by an increased need to make decisions independently of external influences. The role of defensive forms of in-group identification in support for environmental harm is discussed.
Cislak, A., Cichocka, A., Wojcik, A., & Frankowska, N. (2018). Power Corrupts, but Control Does Not: What Stands Behind the Effects of Holding High Positions. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 44, 944-957. doi:10.1177/0146167218757456
People seek high positions not to gain influence over others but to satisfy their need for personal control. Personal control tends to have positive interpersonal consequences. If this is the case, does power indeed corrupt? We argue that holding a high position is associated both with perceptions of power (influence over others) and personal control (influence over one’s life). Three studies showed that these two aspects might have opposite consequences: Power over others positively predicted aggressiveness (Study 1, N = 793) and exploitativeness (Study 2, N = 445), whereas personal control predicted these outcomes negatively. In Study 3 (N = 557), conducted among employees at various organizational positions, the effects of holding a high position on exploitativeness and aggressiveness were differentially mediated by power over others and personal control. We discuss these findings in light of contradicting evidence on the corruptive effects of power.
Douglas, K., Sutton, R., & Cichocka, A. (2017). The psychology of conspiracy theories. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 26, 538-542. doi:10.1177/0963721417718261
What psychological factors drive the popularity of conspiracy theories that explain important events as secret plots by powerful and malevolent groups? What are the psychological consequences of adopting these theories? We review the current research, and find that it answers the first of these questions more thoroughly than the second. Belief in conspiracy theories appears to be driven by motives that can be characterized as epistemic (understanding one’s environment), existential (being safe and in control of one’s environment) and social (maintaining a positive image of the self and the social group). However, little research has investigated the consequences of conspiracy belief, and to date, this research does not indicate that conspiracy belief fulfills people’s motivations. Instead, for many people conspiracy belief may be more appealing than satisfying. Further research is needed to determine for whom, and under what conditions, conspiracy theories may satisfy key psychological motives.
Marchlewska, M., Cichocka, A., Panayiotou, O., Castellanos, K., & Batayneh, J. (2017). Populism as identity politics: Perceived ingroup disadvantage, collective narcissism and support for populism. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 9, 151-162. doi:10.1177/1948550617732393
Populists combine anti-elitism with a conviction that they hold a superior vision of what it means to be a true citizen of their nation. We expected support for populism to be associated with national collective narcissism—an unrealistic belief in the greatness of the national group, which should increase in response to perceived ingroup disadvantage. In Study 1 (Polish participants; n=1007), national collective narcissism predicted support for the populist Law and Justice party. In the experimental Study 2 (British participants; n=497), perceived long-term ingroup disadvantage led to greater support for Brexit and this relationship was accounted for by national collective narcissism. In Study 3 (American participants; n=403), group relative deprivation predicted support for Donald Trump and this relationship was accounted for by national collective narcissism. These associations were present even when we controlled for conventional national identification. We discuss implications of the link between collective narcissism and support for populism.
Cichocka, A., Górska, P., Jost, J., Sutton, R., & Bilewicz, M. (2017). What inverted U can do for your country: A curvilinear relationship between confidence in the social system and political engagement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 115, 883-902. doi:10.1037%2Fpspp0000168
We examined the link between political engagement and the tendency to justify the sociopolitical system. On one hand, confidence in the system should be negatively related to political engagement, insofar as it entails reduced desire for social change; on the other hand, system confidence should also be positively related to political engagement to the extent that it carries an assumption that the system is responsive to citizens' political efforts. Because of the combination of these 2 opposing forces, the motivation for political engagement should be highest at intermediate levels of system confidence. Five studies revealed a negative quadratic relationship between system confidence and normative political engagement. In 2 representative surveys, Polish participants with moderate levels of system confidence were more likely to vote in political elections (Study 1) and to participate in solidarity-based collective action (Study 2). Two field studies demonstrated a negative quadratic relationship between system confidence and actual participation in political demonstrations (gender equality and teachers' protests in Poland; Studies 3 and 4). This pattern of results was further corroborated by analyses of data from 50 countries drawn from the World Value Survey: we observed negative quadratic relationships between system confidence and collective action as well as voting. These relationships were stronger in democratic (vs. nondemocratic) regimes (Study 5). Our results suggest that some degree of system confidence might be useful to stimulate political engagement within the norms of the system.
Cichocka, A., Dhont, K., & Makwana, A. (2017). On Self-love and Outgroup Hate: Opposite Effects of Narcissism on Prejudice via Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism. European Journal of Personality, 31, 366-384. doi:10.1002/per.2114
Previous research has obtained mixed findings as to whether feelings of self-worth are positively or negatively related to right-wing ideological beliefs and prejudice. We propose to clarify the link between self-worth and ideology by distinguishing between narcissistic and non-narcissistic self-evaluations as well as between different dimensions of ideological attitudes. Four studies, conducted in three different socio-political contexts: the UK (Study 1, N = 422), the US (Studies 2 and 3, Ns = 471 and 289) and Poland (Study 4, N = 775), investigated the associations between narcissistic and non-narcissistic self-evaluations, social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethnic prejudice. Confirming our hypotheses, the results consistently showed that after controlling for self-esteem, narcissistic self-evaluation was positively associated with SDO (accounting for RWA), yet negatively associated with RWA (accounting for SDO). These associations were similar after controlling for psychopathy and Machiavellianism (Study 3) as well as collective narcissism and Big Five personality characteristics (Study 4). Studies 2-4 additionally demonstrated that narcissistic self-evaluation was indirectly positively associated with prejudice through higher SDO (free of RWA) but indirectly negatively associated with prejudice through lower RWA (free of SDO). Implications for understanding the role of self-evaluation in right-wing ideological attitudes and prejudice are discussed.
Cichocka, A., Golec de Zavala, A., Marchlewska, M., Bilewicz, M., Jaworska, M., & Olechowski, M. (2017). Personal control decreases narcissistic but increases non-narcissistic in-group positivity. Journal of Personality, 86, 465-480. doi:10.1111/jopy.12328
Objective: We examined the effects of control motivation on in-group positivity. Past research suggests that people compensate for low personal control by increasing support for social ingroups. We predicted that the effect of personal control on in-group positivity would depend on the type of in-group positivity. Low personal control should increase compensatory, narcissistic in-group positivity, while high personal control should increase secure, non-narcissistic in-group positivity.
Method: These hypotheses were tested in a cross-sectional survey (Study 1, n= 1083, 54% female, Mage= 47.68), two experiments (Study 2, n= 105, 50% female, Mage = 32.05; Study 3, n=154, 40% female, Mage= 29.93) and a longitudinal survey (Study 4, n= 398, 51% female, Mage= 32.05).
Results: In all studies personal control was negatively associated with narcissistic in-group positivity but positively associated with non-narcissistic in-group positivity. The longitudinal survey additionally showed that the positive relationship between personal control and non-narcissistic in-group positivity was reciprocal. Moreover, both types of in-group positivity differentially mediated between personal control and out-group attitudes: narcissistic in-group positivity predicted negative attitudes and non-narcissistic positivity predicted positive attitudes.
Conclusions: These findings highlight the role of individual motivation in fostering different types of in-group positivity and intergroup outcomes.
Marchlewska, M., Cichocka, A., & Kossowska, M. (2017). Addicted to answers: Need for cognitive closure and the endorsement of conspiracy beliefs. European Journal of Social Psychology, 48, 109-117. doi:10.1002/ejsp.2308
Conspiracy theories offer simple answers to complex problems by providing explanations for uncertain situations. Thus, they should be attractive to individuals who are intolerant of uncertainty and seek cognitive closure. We hypothesized that need for cognitive closure (NFCC) should foster conspiracy beliefs about events that lack clear official explanations, especially when conspiracy theories are temporarily salient. In Experiment 1 NFCC positively predicted the endorsement of a conspiracy theory behind the refugee crisis, especially when conspiratorial explanations were made salient. Experiment 2 showed that when conspiratorial explanations were made salient, NFCC positively predicted beliefs in conspiracies behind a mysterious plane crash. However, the link between NFCC and beliefs in conspiratorial explanations was reversed in the case of a plane crash with an official, non-conspiratorial, explanation for the accident. In conclusion, people high (vs. low) in NFCC seize on conspiratorial explanations for uncertain events when such explanations are situationally accessible.
Cichocka, A. (2016). Understanding defensive and secure in-group positivity: The role of collective narcissism. European Review of Social Psychology, 27, 283-317. doi:10.1080/10463283.2016.1252530
Integrating psychoanalytic ideas of group idealisation with social identity and categorisation theories, this article discusses the distinction between secure and defensive in-group positivity. Narcissistic in-group positivity captures a belief in in-group greatness that is contingent on external validation. It reflects defensive in-group positivity, insofar as it stems from the frustration of individual needs, and predicts increased sensitivity to threats as well as undesirable consequences for out-groups and the in-group. Secure in-group positivity—that is, in-group positivity without the narcissistic component—is a confidently held positive evaluation of one’s in-group that is independent of the recognition of the group in the eyes of others. It stems from the satisfaction of individual needs, is resilient to threats and has positive consequences for the in-group and out-groups. I review evidence for these two distinct ways people relate to their social groups and discuss theoretical and practical implications for understanding intra- and intergroup relations.
Marchlewska, M., & Cichocka, A. (2016). An autobiographical gateway: Narcissists avoid first-person visual perspective while retrieving self-threatening memories. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 68, 157-161. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2016.06.003
This research examines the role of narcissistic versus genuine self-evaluation in the retrieval of self-threatening memories. Autobiographical memories can be retrieved either from a first-person or a third-person visual perspective. Because narcissism is linked to sensitivity to psychological threats, it should predict retrieval of self-threatening memories using the third-person perspective. Genuine self-esteem, on the other hand, is resilient to threats. Therefore, it should be associated with retrieving self-relevant, even if threatening, memories from the first-person perspective. In two experiments we measured narcissism and self-esteem. Experiment 1 manipulated valence of self-relevant memories by asking participants to recall self-threatening (shameful) or self-boosting (proud) situations. Experiment 2 manipulated self-relevance of negative memories by asking participants to recall self-threatening (shameful) or negative, yet not self-threatening (sad) situations. Visual perspective of memory retrieval served as the dependent variable. In Experiment 1, narcissism predicted avoiding the first-person perspective and employing the third-person perspective in self-threatening memories, while self-esteem predicted the first-person perspective regardless of the memories being self-threatening or self-boosting. In Experiment 2, narcissism predicted the third-person perspective, while genuine self-esteem predicted the first-person perspective when self-threatening memories were recalled. Neither narcissism, nor genuine self-esteem were associated with visual perspective when participants recalled negative memories irrelevant to the self. Results shed light on the role of self-evaluation in processing autobiographical memories.
Stronge, S., Cichocka, A., & Sibley, C. (2016). Narcissistic self-esteem or optimal self-esteem? A Latent Profile Analysis of self-esteem and psychological entitlement. Journal of Research in Personality, 63, 102-110. doi:10.1016/j.jrp.2016.06.016
Research into the relationship between self-esteem and narcissism has produced conflicting results, potentially caused by hidden subpopulations that exhibit distinct positive or negative associations. This research uses Latent Profile Analysis to identify profiles within a national panel study (N = 6,471) with differing relationships between psychological entitlement and self-esteem. We identified a narcissistic self-esteem profile (9%) characterised by high entitlement and high self-esteem, an optimal self-esteem (38.4%) profile characterised by high self-esteem but low entitlement, and three profiles that reported low entitlement but different levels of self-esteem. We additionally predicted profile membership using Big-Five personality. Results indicate that self-esteem is a necessary but not sufficient condition for high entitlement, and entitlement is not highly prevalent in New Zealand.
Cichocka, A., Marchlewska, M., & Golec de Zavala, A. (2016). Does self-love or self-hate predict conspiracy beliefs? Narcissism, self-esteem and the endorsement of conspiracy theories. Social Psychological and Personality Science. doi:10.1177/1948550615616170
Across three studies, we examined the role of self-evaluation in predicting conspiracy beliefs. Previous research linked the endorsement of conspiracy theories to low self-esteem. We propose that conspiracy theories should rather be appealing to individuals with exaggerated feelings of self-love, such as narcissists, due to their paranoid tendencies. In Study 1 general conspiracist beliefs were predicted by high individual narcissism but low self-esteem. Study 2 demonstrated that these effects were differentially mediated by paranoid thoughts, and independent of the effects of collective narcissism. Individual narcissism predicted generalized conspiracist beliefs, regardless of the conspiracy theories implicating in-group or out-group members, while collective narcissism predicted belief in out-group but not in-group conspiracies. Study 3 replicated the effects of individual narcissism and self-esteem on the endorsement of various specific conspiracy theories and demonstrated that the negative effect of self-esteem was largely accounted for by the general negativity towards humans associated with low self-esteem.
Greenaway, K., Cichocka, A., van Veelen, R., Likki, T., & Branscombe, N. (2016). Feeling hopeful inspires support for social change. Political Psychology, 37, 89-107. doi:10.1111/pops.12225
Hope is an emotion that has been implicated in social change efforts, yet little research has examined whether feeling hopeful actually motivates support for social change. Study 1 (N = 274) confirmed that hope is associated with greater support for social change in two countries with different political contexts. Study 2 (N = 165) revealed that hope predicts support for social change over and above other emotions often investigated in collective action research. Study 3 (N = 100) replicated this finding using a hope scale and showed the effect occurs independent of positive mood. Study 4 (N = 58) demonstrated experimentally that hope motivates support for social change. In all four studies, the effect of hope was mediated by perceived efficacy to achieve social equality. This research confirms the motivating potential of hope and illustrates the power of this emotion in generating social change.
Stewart, A., Pratto, F., Zeineddine, F., Sweetman, J., Eicher, V., Licata, L., Morselli, D., Saab, R., Aiello, A., Chryssochoou, X., Cichocka, A., Cidam, A., Foels, R., Giguère, B., Liu, L., Prati, F., & van Stekelenburg, J. (2016). International support for the Arab uprisings: Understanding sympathetic collective action using theories of social dominance and social identity. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 19, 6-26. doi:10.1177/1368430214558310
Inspired by the popular Arab protests against oppressive regimes that began in 2010, people around the world protested in sympathy with the Arab peoples. The present research draws on two major theories of intergroup relations to develop an initial integrative model of sympathetic collective action. We incorporate social dominance theory’s (SDT) concept of (rejectionist) legitimizing myths with the solidarity and emotional mediation concept of the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) to understand motivations for sympathetic collective action among bystanders. Using data from 12 nations (N = 1,480), we tested three models: (a) SIMCA (i.e., solidarity, anger, and efficacy), (b) a social dominance theory model of collective action (i.e., social dominance orientation and ideologies concerning Arab competence), and (c) an integrated model of sympathetic collective action combining both theories. Results find the greatest support for an integrated model of collective action. Discussion focuses on theoretical pluralism and suggestions for future research.
Giner-Sorolla, R., & Cichocka, A. (2016). Emotion regulation beyond appraisals: Other routes to sustained and changed intergroup feelings. Psychological Inquiry, 27, 96-100. doi:10.1080/1047840X.2016.1160760
A commentary on the Cehajic-Clancy et al. (2016) Psychological Inquiry target article. We argue for the applicability of other functions of emotion beyond their appraisal model to intergroup reconciliation.
Cichocka, A., Bilewicz, M., Jost, J., Marrouch, N., & Witkowska, M. (2016). On the grammar of politics—or why conservatives prefer nouns. Political Psychology. doi:10.1111/pops.12327
Previous research indicates that political conservatism is associated with epistemic needs for structure and certainty (Jost et al., 2003) and that nouns elicit clearer and more definite perceptions of reality than other parts of speech (Carnaghi et al., 2008). We therefore hypothesized that conservatives would exhibit preferences for nouns (vs. verbs and adjectives), insofar as nouns are better suited to satisfy epistemic needs. In Study 1, we observed that social conservatism was associated with noun preferences in Polish and that personal need for structure accounted for the association between ideology and grammatical preferences. In Study 2, conducted in Arabic, social conservatism was associated with a preference for the use of nominal sentences (composed of nouns only) over verbal sentences (which included verbs and adjectives). In Study 3, we found that more conservative U.S. presidents used greater proportions of nouns in major speeches, and this effect was related to integrative complexity. We discuss the possibility that conservative ideology is linked to grammatical preferences that foster feelings of stability and predictability.
Cichocka, A., Marchlewska, M., Golec de Zavala, A., & Olechowski, M. (2015). "They will not control us": In-group positivity and belief in intergroup conspiracies. British Journal of Psychology, 107, 556-576. doi:10.1111/bjop.12158
This research examines the role of different forms of positive regard for the in-group in predicting beliefs in intergroup conspiracies. Collective narcissism reflects a belief in in-group greatness contingent on others’ recognition. We hypothesized that collective narcissism should be especially likely to foster out-group conspiracy beliefs. Positive yet non-narcissistic in-group positivity should predict a weaker tendency to believe in conspiracy theories. In Study 1 the endorsement of conspiratorial explanations of out-group actions was positively predicted by collective narcissism but negatively by non-narcissistic in-group positivity. Study 2 showed that the opposite effects of collective narcissism and non-narcissistic in-group positivity on conspiracy beliefs were mediated via differential perceptions of threat. Study 3 manipulated whether conspiracy theories implicated in-group or out-group members. Collective narcissism predicted belief in out-group conspiracies but not in-group conspiracies, while non-narcissistic in-group positivity predicted lower conspiracy beliefs, regardless of them being ascribed to the in-group or the out-group.
Baryla, W., Wojciszke, B., & Cichocka, A. (2015). Legitimization and delegitimization of social hierarchy. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 6, 669-676. doi:10.1177/1948550615576211
Although status and wealth are related facets of social stratification, their association is only moderate. In this article, we
demonstrate that justification of wealth versus status can be independent processes. To this end, we introduce a novel, nondeclarative
measure of system justification. The measure is based on within-individual correlations between the judgments of how
a group ‘‘is doing’’ and how it ‘‘should be doing.’’ Two studies demonstrated that the between-group differentiation in terms of
material wealth was delegitimized—the more a group was perceived as wealthy, the less it was desired to be wealthy. However,
the between-group differentiation in terms of status was generally legitimized—the more a group was perceived as influential, the
more it was desired to be influential. We conclude by discussing the role of sociopolitical context in active legitimization and
delegitimization of different aspects of the system.
Cichocka, A., Winiewski, M., Bilewicz, M., Bukowski, M., & Jost, J. (2015). Complementary stereotyping of ethnic minorities predicts system justification in Poland. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 18, 788-800. doi:10.1177/1368430214566891
We investigate the phenomenon of complementary stereotyping of ethnic minorities in Poland and its relationship to system justification. Using results from a nationally representative survey we test the hypothesis that complementary stereotypes—according to which ethnic minorities are seen as possessing distinctive, offsetting strengths and weaknesses—would be associated with system justification among Polish majority citizens. For four minorities, results indicated that stereotyping them as (a) low in morality but high in competence or (b) high in morality but low in competence predicted greater system justification. These results suggest that even in a context that is low in support for the status quo, complementary stereotyping of ethnic minorities is linked to system justification processes. For the three minority groups that were lowest in social status, complementary stereotyping was unrelated to system justification. It appears that negative attitude towards these groups can be expressed openly, regardless of one’s degree of system justification.
Bilewicz, M., Cichocka, A., Górska, P., & Szabó, Z. (2015). Is liberal bias universal? An international perspective on social psychologists. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 38. doi:10.1017/S0140525X14001125
Based on our comparison of political orientation and research interests of social psychologists in capitalist Western countries versus post-Communist Eastern European countries, we suggest that Duarte and colleagues' claim of liberal bias in the field seems American-centric. We propose an alternative account of political biases which focuses on the academic tendency to explain attitudes of lower status groups.
Bilewicz, M., Górska, P., Cichocka, A., & Szabo, P. (2015). Ideological distinction. The political ideologies of social psychologists in the East and West. Czechoslovak Psychology, 121-128.
The problem of “liberal bias” among personality and social psychologists has been widely discussed in recent years (Haidt, 2011; Duarte et al., in press; Inbar, Lammers, 2012). Most of these discussions extrapolated findings observed in American and Western European social psychology to the whole discipline. This article presents a first insight into regional differences in the political opinions of Western, and Eastern social psychologists. Based on the characteristics of intellectuals in Eastern European countries as reproducers of existing structures of dependence, we hypothesised that Eastern European psychologists would not express a “liberal bias” but instead, at least in the domain of economic opinions, that they would support rather conservative political solutions. An empirical study of social psychologists from Hungary, Poland, the USA and the UK supported this hypothesis. Furthermore, it was demonstrated that, despite forming the majority in the field of social psychology, Polish supporters of a free market economy were reluctant to express their views in public. Finally, based on the European Values Survey, we compared the economic attitudes of European social psychologists with the attitudes prevalent in their countries (i.e. Hungary, Poland and the UK). This comparison suggested that Hungarian and Polish social psychologists hold more procapitalist stances on economic issues than the poorest segments of the societies they live in, whereas British social psychologists supported state interventionism to a greater extent than the poorest sections of their society.
Cichocka, A., & Jost, J. (2014). Stripped of illusions? Exploring system justification processes in Capitalist and post-Communist societies. International Journal of Psychology, 49, 6-29. doi:10.1002/ijop.12011
Sociologists and political scientists have often observed that citizens of Central and Eastern Europe express high levels of disillusionment with their social, economic and political systems, in comparison with citizens of Western capitalist societies. In this review, we analyze system legitimation and delegitimation in post-Communist societies from a social psychological perspective. We draw on system justification theory, which seeks to understand how, when and why people do (and do not) defend, bolster and justify existing social systems. We review some of the major tenets and findings of the theory and compare research on system-justifying beliefs and ideologies in traditionally Capitalist and post-Communist countries to determine: (1) whether there are robust differences in the degree of system justification in post-Communist and Capitalist societies, and (2) the extent to which hypotheses derived from system justification theory receive support in the post-Communist context. To this end, we summarize research findings from over 20 countries and cite previously unpublished data from a public opinion survey conducted in Poland. Our analysis confirms that there are lower levels of system justification in post-Communist countries. At the same time, we find that system justification possesses similar social and psychological antecedents, manifestations and consequences in the two types of societies. We offer potential explanations for these somewhat complicated patterns of results and conclude by addressing implications for theory and research on system justification and system change (or transition).
Golec de Zavala, A., Cichocka, A., & Iskra-Golec, I. (2013). Collective Narcissism Moderates the Effect of In-group Image Threat on Intergroup Hostility. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 104, 1019-1039. doi:10.1037/a0032215
Results of four experiments demonstrated that under in-group image threat collective
narcissism predicts retaliatory intergroup hostility. Under in-group criticism (vs. praise)
collective narcissists expressed intention to harm the offending out-group but not other, nonoffending
out-groups. This effect was specific to collective narcissism and was replicated in
studies that accounted for the overlap between collective narcissism and individual
narcissism, in-group positivity (in-group identification, blind and constructive patriotism),
social dominance orientation and right wing authoritarianism. The link between collective
narcissism and retaliatory intergroup hostility under in-group image threat was found in the
context of national identity and international relations and in the context of a social identity
defined by university affiliation. Study 4 demonstrated that the relationship between collective
narcissism and intergroup hostility was mediated by the perception of in-group criticism as
personally threatening. The results advance our understanding of the mechanism driving the
link between collective narcissism and intergroup hostility. They indicate that Threatened
Egotism Theory can be extended into the intergroup domain.
Pratto, F., Cidam, A., Stewart, A., Bou Zeineddine, F., Aranda, M., Ariello, A., Chryssochoou, X., Cichocka, A., Cohrs, C., Durrheim, K., Eicher, V., Foels, R., Górska, P., Lee, I., Licata, L., Li, L., Morselli, D., Meyer, I., Muldoon, O., Muluk, H., Petrovic, N., Prati, F., Papastamou, S., Petrovic, I., Prodromitis, G., Rubini, M., Saab, R., van Stekelenburg, J., Sweetman, J., Zheng, W., & Henkel, K. (2013). Social dominance in context and in individuals: Contextual moderation of robust effects of social dominance orientation in 15 languages and 20 countries. Social Psychological and Personality Science, 4, 587-599. doi:10.1177/1948550612473663
Golec de Zavala, A., Cichocka, A., & Bilewicz, M. (2013). The Paradox of In-Group Love: Differentiating Collective Narcissism Advances Understanding of the Relationship Between In-Group and Out-Group Attitudes. Journal of Personality, 81, 16-28. doi:10.1111/j.1467-6494.2012.00779.x
Objective: The present studies test the hypothesis that the overlap between collective narcissism and positive in-group
identi? cation conceals the opposite relationships these variables have with out-group derogation.
Method: Five surveys were conducted in different cultural and national contexts, using different samples and different intergroup contexts (Study 1, Polish student sample, N= 85; Study 2, British student sample, N= 81; Study 3, Polish representative
sample, N= 979; Study 3, Polish student sample, N= 267 and Study 5, British student sample, N= 241).
Results: The results of suppression analyses systematically indicate that when the positive relationship between collective
narcissism and in-group positivity is controlled for, the non-narcissistic in-group positivity predicts less out-group negativity,
whereas collective narcissism predicts more out-group derogation.
Conclusions: The results advance our understanding of constructive and destructive forms of in-group positivity and their
different consequences for intergroup attitudes.